Despite days of intense discus sion among the leaders during Dashain, the stances on the issues of declaring Nepal a republic and adopting a proportional electoral system for the upcoming Constitution Assembly (CA) polls have not changed. Madhav Nepal, General Secretary of the CPN-UML, after his meeting with Prime Minister Koirala on Wednesday, in an effort to negotiate between the NC and the Maoist, said that the deadlock continued because the two major parties remained stuck to their stances.
The NC has been constantly opposing the Maoist demands for outright declaration of a republic by the parliament and switchover to a full proportional representational election system, whereas the Maoists do not want to compromise on these two main political demands. The Maoists say they only want to secure an environment for free and fair elections, arguing that if a true CA election is to be held where the people will be able to write a pro-people constitution, commitment to a republican state and fully proportional electoral system by the seven political parties is a must.
On the contrary, the Nepali Congress insists the Maoists must follow the previous understanding that the fate of the monarchy would be decided by the first meeting of the elected Constitution Assembly. The NC leaders say their party is totally against the fully proportional election system because it denies the individual rights of citizens to contest the election. On the other hand, Maoist senior leader Dr. Baburam Bhattarai has threatened to pull his party out of the parliament if the special session scheduled for October 29 (Monday) fails to declare Nepal a republic and endorse a fully proportional representation system of election.
The political deadlock continues due to the rigid stances taken by both the NC and CPN-Maoist, and the efforts of the party leaders to avoid voting in the parliament over the issues have not yielded any result. Questions are being raised as to whether the major political parties would display a sprit of understanding and unity to save the peace process from the present looming danger. If the Maoist motions are put to vote without the three major political parties reaching a consensus, split votes might lead to confrontation and make the CA polls even more uncertain.
People are afraid that the present political stalemate and increasing distrust among the seven parties in the alliance will have serious consequences for the country, and the effort by some reactionary forces to break the seven-party unity and foil the CA polls may bear fruit. This would also give an opportunity to foreign players to directly interfere in Nepal on the ground that it is a failed state. In such a state of affairs, the political parties would be held responsible. Therefore, to avoid such a situation, all should be honest in forging a consensus on the unsettled issues.
The parties should show flexibility on matters of national interest and come to a compromise to avoid split voting on the issues. For this reason, they either must show more flexibility and decide to take up the issues again in the regular session of the Interim Legislature parliament, scheduled to commence on November 19, or they must seek a mid-way solution. However, all are convinced that there is a need to maintain peace and harmony to foster reconciliation in the country, and that party interest should not overshadow national interest.
Obviously, the problems that are currently besetting the country should be resolved through dialogue and understanding to assure the people that the extensive peace agreement between the Maoists and the then seven political parties would not be broken and the election for the Constitution Assembly (CA) would be held soon.
Leaders of the political parties are trying hard to forge an agreement concerning the Maoist demands presented in the Legislature Parliament. The main bone of contention still is the declaration of republic and the all-out proportional representation system. All the seven political parties have accepted that Nepal be restructured as a federal republican state after the formation of the Constitution Assembly. However, not all members of the seven-party coalition have shown disagreement on the issues put forward by the Maoists. The stance taken by the Nepali Congress against the two main political demands of the Maoists seems to be the main cause of political stalemate.
The Maoists quit the cabinet after forwarding their 22-point demand to the government in the first week of September, just before the date for submitting the closed lists of candidates for the CA polls by the parties. But this move by the Maoists had not come all of sudden. The Maoists had written a note of dissent on May 17, demanding the declaration of a republic before the elections and the adoption of a proportional election system.
At the time, the leaders of the seven parties and even the government gave no serious attention to the demands and took them as simple political bargaining chips from their side. Leader of the CPN-UML Ishwor Pokhrel rightly observes that the present situation occurred because the Nepali Congress, which is playing a leading role in the government and in the seven-party alliance, did not discuss with the other parties the Maoist proposal that was necessary to reach a consensus.
The attitude helped widen the differences and mistrust among the political parties. Also the Terai incidents and some of the clauses in an agreement reached between the co-ordinator of the government talks team and Madheshi Jana Adhikar Forum compelled the Maoists to feel that they were being cornered.
Similarly, the question of proportional election that the Maoists had given up at the beginning was raised so vehemently by the different sections of the populace that the Maoists realised that without the support of the many ethnic groups, including the Madhesi, Dalit and Janajati, their chances of winning the election were slim. On the other hand, the Nepali Congress, having more individual influence on the voters than the party, was afraid of losing seats if the proportional election system was adopted.
2.New understanding
The CPN-UML in its 16th central committee meeting had voiced concerns that Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala himself was not enthusiastic about conducting the election while the Maoists were hell bent on disrupting it. Obviously, the government failed to accomplish its responsibility of holding the election despite national and international backing. It put the unity between the then seven-party alliance and the Maoists, forged on the basis of the 12-point agreement reached between them, at stake. However, there is no way out other than to move ahead, keeping intact the seven-party unity. And the unity should be restructured in accordance with a new understanding among the leaders.
(Vijaya Chalise is Editor-in-Chief of the Gorakhapatra)
Refugee Repatriation : U.S. Offer Not A Lasting Solution [ 2007-11-9 ]
Vijaya Chalise
The statement by the visiting U.S. Assistant Secre tary of State for Population, Refugees and Migration Ellen Sauerbery that the resettlement process for Bhutanese refugees will start immediately has created confusion. Her statement contradicts the strong request made by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala to peruse Bhutan to take its people back.
However, the option of third country settlement is open for the Bhutanese refugees who have been languishing in the camps for the past 17 years. Evidently, Ellen Sauerbery's statement that the US could not pressure Bhutan into taking back the refugees as the Himalayan Kingdom is a sovereign country indicates that the US is not eager to send back Bhutanese refugees to their country, but wants to resettle them in the United States.
Therefore, the U.S. offer to take the Bhutanese refugees has ignited a debate. A section of the refugees have welcomed the U.S. proposal, while others are making harsh comments. Since the U.S. proposal encourages the Druk regime to suppress the Bhutanese people, Bhutanese leaders in exile are alleging that such an offer is creating a rift and confusion among the refugees.
Obviously, it would have been better to assist the refugees in their dignified repatriation than encourage them towards third country resettlement. Though the U.S. option will help settle about half the refugees, it will not yield a lasting solution for those refugees wanting to return to their country with dignity. Furthermore, this sort of third country resettlement scheme might encourage the Thimpu government to continue its policy of ethnic cleansing.
Despite its advocacy of democracy and freedom, from the U.S. insistence on third country resettlement and India's silence on the refugee issue, one can only conclude that both the countries are not at all comfortable with the refugees going back home. Ignoring Bhutan's suppression of democracy and the policy of ethnic cleansing, preaching of democracy by India and the US to the leaders of the developing countries is a loss of moral ground. For, on the strength of India's indifference and apathy towards the refugees, Thimpu has been maneuvering and bolstering its energy in dealing with the refugee issue.
India, the prime force capable of solving the crisis has remained passive for the past 17 years. Similarly, the countries that are floating the resettlement plan have never shown keen interest in repatriating the Bhutanese refugees, which could have been possible through honest initiatives.
The Bhutanese side has played one trick after another, but Nepal was unable to understand that. At the outset, Bhutan out-rightly denied that the people in the camps were Bhutanese citizens.
Afterwards, Thimpu said some of them were economic migrants of the recent past, and that's why they were asked to leave. Later, it agreed to accept only genuine citizens after the people in the camps were categorised into four groups.
Agreeing to accept the conditions for categorisation was a blunder from our side. Despite the fact that the problem involved Nepal, Bhutan and India, Nepal accepted a bi-lateral dialogue at the home ministry level. It was another mistake to think the refugee problem could be resolved without India's mediation. The then Nepali Congress government had agreed to Thimpu's precondition that the talks should be bilateral.
As India lies between Nepal and Bhutan, the Bhutanese refugees had first taken refuge on Indian soil before being forcefully driven to Nepal by the Indian authorities. Similarly, India's nod was essential as the 1949 Indo-Bhutanese treaty retains a 1910 British clause that guides the foreign relations of Bhutan, which ensure New Delhi's influence over Bhutan's foreign and security policies. Thus, diplomatically, Nepal failed in every sphere to portray the real issue to the international community whereas the Bhutanese and Indian media misled them.
The complexity of the refugee issue was a bi-product of the deliberate policy of ethnic cleansing by the Druk regime. And the refugees were uprooted from their homes for political reasons. Thus, the refugee crisis is purely a problem between the Bhutanese government and its people. The problem started in 1985 when Bhutan introduced a new citizenship law targeting the Lhotsampas (Southern Bhutanese) of Nepalese ethnic origin, after revoking the Citizenship Act 1958.
Thousands of Southern Bhutanese, who had been living there for generations, were declared non-Bhutanese. The government started forcing them out of their homes and fields. Historically, Nepalese were taken to Bhutan for construction and other works more than 350 years ago. Their descendents have been living there for more than 12 generations, while the monarchy in Bhutan dates back to just four generations.
The demand by Bhutan's National Assembly for a total ban on the repatriation of refugees during its 81st session in Thimpu also supports the Bhutanese policy of ethnic cleansing. This demand along with the social and religious code 'Driglam Namzha', banning the wearing of other dresses except the national dress by the Bhutanese people, backs the theory that ethnical cleansing against the Southern Bhutanese of Nepalese origin has been there in action.
Commission
This has resulted in gross human rights abuses in Bhutan. However, the Bhutanese regime has always been successful in diverting the attention of the international community from the real issue of human rights and democracy. This has obviously contributed to the lack of international co-operation and pressure to resolve the problem. Since Nepal has always been flexible in its stand and policy towards the issue, it would be better if Nepal could make public its stance towards the U.S. package of third country resettlement of Bhutanese refugees.
Similarly, before deciding on the resettlement proposal, it would better to form a commission with members of the civil society and human rights representatives as well to examine whether the majority of the refugees want to be settled in a third country or go back to their own land.
(Vijaya Chalise is Editor-in-Chief of the Gorkhapatra daily)
3.Terai Unrest And Separatist Activities Need To Curb Foreign Interference [ 2007-11-16 ]
Vijaya Chalise
A news report has it that an outraged Indian government has lodged a strong objection with the UN agencies in Nepal after discovering that four UN officials held clandestine meetings on Indian soil with armed groups from Nepal and lied about their visas. It is said that officials from two UN agencies went to Mujaffarpur in Bihar in September and held secret talks with Jaya Krishna Goit and Jwala Singh who lead armed groups in the Terai. News reports in the Nepali media say that the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu has confirmed the Times of India news report.
Even UN special envoy to Nepal Ian Martin, who also heads the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), has accepted that the UN humanitarian officials had undertaken the visit to ensure that emergency food relief and other assistance could be delivered in the wake of the floods in the Terai. Thus, this small piece of news (Times of India, Nov.9) raises many serious questions regarding the unrest and separatist activities perpetrated by some groups in the bordering areas of southern Nepal.
Diplomatic norms
This confirms that the so-called leaders of the groups responsible for separatist activities such as killings, extortion, kidnappings and explosions are taking shelter and conducting such activities from neighbouring India. Similarly, the news report has disclosed that some UN officials are ignoring diplomatic norms by meeting secretly with those involved in separatist activities without any information to the Nepalese authorities.
The defined activities of UNMIN and other UN agencies obviously are to assist in the monitoring and managing of the arms of the Maoists and the Nepal Army, monitor the cease-fire and human rights situation, and observe and monitor the Constituent Assembly elections as per the five-point agreement reached between the Nepalese government and the Maoists. Therefore, the meeting with some members of the armed factions of the Terai on Indian territory does have negative implications, and UNMIN needs to give priority to its mandate rather than involve itself in other issues.
Such activities indirectly leave room for suspicion, as alleged by Maoist Chairman Prachanda, that ?two big foreign powers and a neighbouring country" are conspiring to play against Nepalese interests and integrity. He claimed that the ongoing violence in the Terai proves that the conspiracies are real. Obviously, foreigners are encouraged by the present political stalemate and increasing distrust in the seven-party alliance, which could have serious consequences for the country.
Some reactionary forces are working to break the seven-party unity and seeking help from the Hindu extremist forces from outside the country. Therefore, it is high time seven-party unity was fostered to decide the fate of the monarchy as directed by the special session of the Interim Parliament. The increasing differences among the parties that fought unitedly against feudalism will only give an opportunity to foreign players to interfere directly in Nepal's internal affairs insisting that Nepal is a failed state. In the event of such a scenario, the leaders and political parties would be held responsible. Therefore, all should rise above party interest if they want to successfully implement the peace-building and democratisation process.
Hopefully, the leaders are aware of the consequences. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has rightly observed that the increasing violence, killings and criminal activities in the Terai region can be curbed instantly if India and Nepal show mutual interest. He has shown his commitment not to make any compromises with any person, party or nation in preserving the sovereignty and independence of Nepal.
Koirala, speaking at a programme 'Common Issues" organised at Koirala Niwas in Biratnagar by BBC World Service, said that he was aware of the violence in the Terai and talks were being held with the Indian government for a resolution of the problem. The prime minister agreed that Indian criminal groups had been entering Nepal and carrying out criminal and terrorist activities as a result of the open border. To a query from the public, he said that foreign assistance was necessary, but that should not affect Nepal's existence. Obviously, this applies to the world agencies, too. Such interference has been coming not only from the diplomatic and political circles but also from institutions like the World Bank and other developmental organisations.
The World Bank and many other international agencies that serve the interest of the developed world have a history of providing loans and assistance to Nepal for development projects, but these come frequently with conditions that limit the Nepalese government's ability to set its own policies. The recent example, we saw, was the Melamchi Project. International agencies and donor countries dictate policies like privatisation, full cost recovery for public sectors like health, education, water supply and power, and have the government levy user fees for essential services. Obviously, such policies have forced the government to take policies that are distinctly against the poorest people living below the poverty line.
Anthony Giddens, a sociologist and former Director of the London School of Economics and a member of the House of Lords, delivering the DT Lakdawala lecture, organised by the Indian Institute of Social Science in New Delhi recently, rightly observed that globalisation was reducing the sovereignty of nation states.
Obviously, at a time when foreigners have expedited their unwanted preaching and insulting statements towards our national sovereignty, the government and seven-party leaders and intelligentsia should strongly protest against such activities. Foreign interference is, however, natural during major national crises when there is a political vacuum. Therefore, in this period of transition, the need for unity among all the political parties is obvious to safeguard nationalism. This is needed to maintain stability by blocking the games played by foreign powers to enhance their hegemonic self-image.
Foreign interests
Indeed, they want a hold on South Asian strategic politics, including geo-politics, as well as the economy. The former applies more aptly to its interests in Nepal. They are still trying to bring about reconciliation between the traditional rightist forces, including the moderately rightist parties, and the monarchy. To foil their plan, the parties and the leaders should reach an agreement on issues thrown up by the recent parliamentary vote favouring a republican state and all-out proportional system for the Constituent Assembly polls if they honestly want to give Nepal a new direction. (Chalise is Editor-in-Chief of the Gorkhapatra.)
4.Reading Habit Books Nowhere In The National Scheme [ 2007-11-23 ]
Vijaya Chalise
Newer forms of technology comprise the most formidable challenge in the 21st century. This is visibly true for printed reading materials like the book and other print media. This challenge has raised questions as to whether the printed word is becoming increasingly marginalised in the electronic era, and whether the completely familiar tradition of the book will be swept away by technologies that will render it antiquated.
However, the number of enthusiasts going from one stall to another to pick up a book of their interest at an exhibition organised by Sajha Prakashan in Kathmandu recently shows that there is little to fear. Encouraged perhaps by this trend, Ramesh Bhattarai, General Manager of the publishing house, said that Sajha plans to form a readers' club across the country to instil reading habits in the people from each and every class.
Indigenous publishing
The growth in indigenous publishing and writing in recent years is a good sign. With the spread of education, a social and cultural change is definitely looming, and one instrument causing the movement is obviously the book. However, the growth of the reading public has not quite kept pace with the growing literacy and educated mass. The book continues to remain a luxury for a painfully large segment of the population.
Considering the important role played by literature in building up great traditions in society, this field has, unfortunately, been largely neglected. And the secular religion of the times, free-market capitalism, has been winning the battle on all fronts, including literature.
The book industry now faces direct competition from the more immediate and exciting electronic media. However, creative works continue to exist in the traditional form regardless of how far the electronic revolution has gone. Reading will, hopefully, be very much there in the times to come. Reading is a lonely affair that requires, in the final analysis, an engagement between the reader and the text, which cannot be fulfilled by the electronic media.
?We read in order to be quiet," says an Argentinean scholar, Alberto Manguel, in his book ?A history of reading". Solitude is what is required, that, however, is not to mean loneliness. It is a desire to be left alone with your own thoughts and feelings. Reading essentially demands that imagination be put to work; substituting imagination with visual or aural images require great effort. The portability of great works of literature is a spiritual necessity, and for that reason, the book will not die out.
Therefore, whatever humanity's destiny - courtesy of the influence of electronics on our lives where elements of time are a decisive factor - certain conventional norms can never be replaced. And one among them happens to be the book and the reading habit. The immense pleasure which a reader gains by reading can never be experienced by electronic reading from a CD-ROM.
As reading is a discovery, it engages the reader's mind and imagination. Thus, be it fiction or non-fiction, the characters and subject matter read in the book usually take specific shapes in the reader's conceptual vision unlike what is depicted synthetically on the CD.
Many surveys conducted on reading have revealed that people who have not developed the habit of reading are gradually afflicted with the disease leading to loss of memory. The reading habit does not end with schooling or academic studies. The reading culture should continue throughout life to enhance one's knowledge.
These days, there are many TV channels that help enrich your knowledge. However, only the book is conducive to creating impressions in one's memory, although, in certain respects, audio-visual media have been an ally in the business of disseminating printed knowledge. First, the information explosion on these media has increased the public thirst for in-depth specialised knowledge that only books can provide and which the electronic media can't. Second, a novel serialised on television often enjoys renewed popularity, of which we have many examples.
In a market-driven system, there is every possibility of ignoring the mass culture. Moreover, the non-availability of books on varied subjects in one's own language, as English is being preferred to, could pose a threat to the Nepalese book industry. Hence, at a time when news of the death of the book is constantly being announced - for lack of funds, growth of the electronic and visual media and other distractions - the crucial question is where is the mass culture and literature in Nepal heading?
Efforts must be made to develop the book industry and reading habit among the people. Yet, nothing much is happening on the publishing front in terms of publication, translation, reprint or adaptation. Generally we buy books in English from countries like India, US and UK. Books are nowhere in the national scheme. Only a few believe that books are important to national development, however, not even the leaders and bureaucrats fully realise the connection. A nation without books has no soul. But this is not as urgent or pressing a problem as a nation without food or jobs for its people.
The situation at present is not healthy. Most of the books we produce are textbooks. We lack books of literary and artistic quality - supplements for nurturing the love for books and reading. It seems ridiculous that even our very own stories, our own culture and feelings are being written and told by foreigners, especially writers from the west. We need to build up the confidence and nourish the talent of our own writers.
We can't stop importing books to protect the national publishing industry. The way to displace foreign books is to produce more locally. The book industry needs to become more vigorous, and there must be a wide range of interesting titles out there for general reading. We have not been able to build a community of readers - a critical mass - that would stimulate others to take to the book for the sheer pleasure of it.
Future of industry
The growth of the book publishing industry will largely depend on how readers in the urban and rural areas respond to it. Their response is determined by the spread of literacy and, over all, socio-economic development in the different regions and language groups. For any culture to grow and flourish, it must have a mass base. And obviously, if the base is eroded it will become weak and die. One must remember that the base is created not by money alone but also by language, which determines the limits of our thoughts.(Chalise is Editor-in-Chief of the Gorakhapatra)
5.Resolving Political Deadlock New Political Understanding Needed [ 2007-11-30 ]
Vijaya Chalise
Major political parties have started fresh consultations to find a consensus on the issues of declaring Nepal a republic, going for a fully electoral system and setting a new date for the repeatedly stalled Constituent Assembly election. The meetings were held just before the resumption of the adjourned session of the parliament.
The seven political parties, in an effort to resolve the differences particularly between the Nepali Congress (NC) and the CPN-Maoist, had agreed to postpone the regular session of the interim parliament for 10 days to seek a common ground to implement the directives of the special session of the parliament. The special session of the parliament had given directives to the government to act as per the two resolutions passed by the special session on adopting a fully proportional representative system and fixing a new date for the Constituent Assembly (CA) election along with taking the necessary measures towards ensuring a republican state.
Some of the Nepali Congress leaders have so far been pleading that the resolutions of the parliament do not hold much practical relevance and that the majority of the parties in the alliance, including the Maoists, are making it a test case of the Congress' commitment to the spirit of parliamentary practice. Ironically, the consultations geared up only after visiting U.S. former president Jimmy Carter suggested two formulas previously discussed heavily at a number of forums. However late, these consultations have raised some hopes that the parties would reach a consensus and free the country from the present political deadlock.
Carter's recipe suggests declaring Nepal a republic by the interim parliament and implementing it after the election is held and the Constituent Assembly convenes. Similarly, he suggested retaining a mixed system of election, with 70 per cent of the seats going for proportional representation and the remaining 30 per cent being elected through the first-past-the-post system. Besides, eight seats would go to each of the three major political parties and one each to the other minor parties.
Carter's suggestions, to some extent, have tried to address the sensitivities of both the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Maoist (CPN-Maoist). Likewise, the suggestion of time-bound round table discussions by including representatives of the marginalised groups before reaching any final agreement should satisfy most of the people who have been demanding inclusiveness in the Constituent Assembly.
One can presume that he had made these suggestions after getting hints of flexibility and acceptance by the three major parties as the success of the peace process demands mutual accommodation. Maoist senior leader Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai has said that the views of Carter were positive.
Amidst efforts at finding a workable and durable formula, Maoist chairman Prachanda has emphasised the need of revamping the state army and forming a national army by integrating the People's Liberation Army. Carter last Friday (November 23), while interacting with parliamentarians of the different political parties, had also rightly observed that the postponement of the polls twice was due to the non-implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement by both the CPN-Maoist and the government.
Obviously, the election is a part of the peace agreement. Therefore, the two are inseparable. Failure to keep promises already made has disappointed the public and created mistrust among the political parties and their leaders.
Indeed, there are many examples of both the sides failing to keep their commitments. The government has, for instance, not provided the monthly salaries on a regular basis to the People's Liberation Army (PLA). Nor has it provided adequate facilities in the cantonments. Legal cases filed against Maoist activists during the conflict so that they can resume normal lives have not been withdrawn.
Similarly, the status of the people who disappeared during the conflict is yet to be made public, and compensation for the war victims and families has not been provided.
On the other side, there are frequent reports of violence, harassment and extortion by members of the Young Communist League (YCL), which have damaged the image of the Maoist party. Obviously, some of the activities of the youth wing of the CPN-Maoist are being rightly questioned, and recently its leadership had accepted there were shortcomings and vowed to correct them.
Obviously, many activities of the Young Communist League are commendable, but activities like abductions and extortion tend to overshadow their good deeds. The issue of returning land seized during the conflict has to be resolved. However, these issues should be addressed in a package, and this will not be possible without a high-level competent land commission.
Obviously, the failure to seek a consensus on implementing the parliamentary directives and the spirit of the preamble of the interim constitution will deepen the crisis and make the election to the Constituent assembly uncertain. It will damage the political status of the leaders of the seven parties, in particular the Nepali Congress and Prime Minister Koirala.
Foresight
Apparently, the political parties should act responsibly and have the foresight to keep intact the existing unity and agreement reached so as to find a way out of the present transition. Consensus on declaring a new date for the Constitution Assembly (CA) election to end the present political deadlock and strengthening the restored democracy is the need of the hour. Therefore, the seven political parties need to reach a new political understanding on the parliament's two motions of a republic and proportional system of election.
Unquestionably, the suspension of the CA polls is a severe blow to the aspiration of the people's movement-2063, which has pushed the present peace process into further complexity. Therefore, the political deadlock, mainly created due to the differences of Nepali Congress and NCP-Maoist, should be resolved as per the people's aspiration.
(Chalise is Editor-in-Chief of the Gorakhapatra)
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